Some cases involve failure to consider the cumulative GHG emissions resulting from the leasing of coal or oil and gas deposits on public lands and in offshore waters. Others involve licensing or permitting fossil fuel infrastructure such as pipelines, railroads, or export terminals. Courts often require agencies to quantify, using the best available information, the amount of carbon emissions that can be expected from decisions authorizing the extraction and transportation of fossil fuels.
An example of how U.S. courts deal with injunctive relief in NEPA cases is High Country Conservation Advocates v. U.S. Forest Service.
The case was a challenge to U.S. Forest Service approval of on-the-ground coal mining exploration on federal land, an action that triggers the environmental impact analysis in NEPA. The case also involved the “social cost of carbon” (SCC), an estimate of the economic damages that would result from emitting each additional ton of GHGs into the atmosphere. The SCC is used in benefit-cost analysis to quantify the dollar-value of a policy’s effect on climate change due to changes in GHG emissions. The court acknowledged the uncertainties involved in estimating the costs of methane emissions from coal mining but faulted the agency for not employing the SCC tool that had been developed by a federal interagency work group. The court noted: “Even though NEPA does not require a cost-benefit analysis, it was nonetheless arbitrary and capricious to quantify the benefits of the lease modifications and then explain that a similar analysis of the costs was impossible when such an analysis was in fact possible and was included in an earlier draft EIS.” In consequence, the court enjoined any exploration activity that involved above-ground or below-ground disturbances.
C. Injunctive Relief in Constitutional Cases
Some of the most important cases, and some of the most ambitious remedies, have been sought in cases invoking federal and state constitutions in the United States, and national constitutions in other countries.
1. Federal Constitutional Cases
The most ambitious climate change cases brought to date have been brought against governments based on claimed constitutional violations. Plaintiffs in these cases have often sought injunctive relief as well as declaratory relief. As explained in Part III, declaratory relief does not command performance of specific actions or sanction noncompliance. Nonetheless, it is a binding court judgment defining the legal relationship of the parties and their rights in a matter before the court.
Our Children’s Trust (OCT), a nonprofit organization representing youth plaintiffs, has led the charge seeking to establish a constitutional right to a safe climate. Juliana v. United States is perhaps OCT’s best-known case. In 2015, 21 youth plaintiffs sued the United States in federal district court in Oregon, claiming the nation is facing a climate emergency, that the federal government has known the dangers of climate change for decades, and that the federal government nonetheless has “created and enhanced dangers through fossil fuel extraction, production, consumption, transportation, and exportation.” They alleged violations of substantive due process under the Fifth Amendment, equal protection under the Fourteenth Amendment, the unenumerated rights of the people under the Ninth Amendment, and the public trust doctrine. The Plaintiffs’ core claim is probably in substantive due process—that the government’s actions interfered with their right to a “climate system capable of sustaining human life.”
They sought both injunctive and declaratory relief. As framed in the complaint, the injunctive relief sought included an unprecedented court order that defendants “prepare and implement an enforceable national remedial plan to phase out fossil fuel emissions and draw down excess atmospheric carbon dioxide so as to stabilize the climate system and protect the vital resources on which Plaintiffs now and in the future will depend.” This plan, they argued, should be comprehensive and science-based, in line with the recommendations of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and a broad consensus of the scientific community here and abroad. Their requested declaratory relief included a request for a judicial declaration that Defendants are violating Plaintiffs’ fundamental rights and the public trust doctrine.
In 2016, U.S. District Court Judge Anne Aiken issued a strong ruling that the plaintiffs had asserted a colorable constitutional claim and made a prima facie case for standing. Judge Aiken’s order bifurcated the case between liability and remedy with the explicit understanding that if the case got to the remedy phase, there would be a separate proceeding to explore a range of possible remedies. That carefully staged approach was truncated when federal defendants under the Barack Obama and Donald Trump Administrations were able, with help from the Supreme Court, to engineer an interlocutory appeal that resulted in a 2-1 decision in 2020 by a U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit panel dismissing the case on the grounds that the plaintiffs lacked Article III standing.
The panel concluded that Plaintiffs had demonstrated concrete and particularized injury. It also concluded that there was at least a genuine factual dispute about whether federal policies were a substantial factor in causing Plaintiffs’ injuries. But, the panel concluded, the injuries claimed by Plaintiffs were not redressable. The panel held that it is “beyond the power of an Article III court to order, design, supervise, or implement the plaintiffs’ requested remedial plan where any effective plan would necessarily require a host of complex policy decisions entrusted to the wisdom and discretion of the executive and legislative branches.”
Judge Josephine Staton issued a forceful dissenting opinion: “Seeking to quash this suit, the government bluntly insists that it has the absolute and unreviewable power to destroy the Nation.” On the issue of redressability, the dissenting judge wrote: “Properly framed, a court order—even one that merely postpones the day when remedial measures become insufficiently effective—would likely have a real impact on preventing the impending cataclysm. Accordingly, I conclude that the court could do something to help the plaintiffs before us. And ‘something’ is all that standing requires.”
After denying a petition for rehearing en banc, the Ninth Circuit vacated Judge Aiken’s 2016 ruling and remanded the case to the lower court.
2. State Constitutional and Public Trust Cases
OCT has brought or supported similar cases in a wide variety of state courts. They tend to feature a diversity of youth plaintiffs, and typically raise claims based on state constitutional provisions for a right to a healthy environment and the common-law public trust doctrine. Plaintiffs generally seek injunctive relief in the form of court-ordered reductions in GHG emissions as well as declaratory relief. In the main, these cases have not succeeded. In some of these cases, courts have decided that the public trust doctrine does not apply to climate change or does not exist in the particular state. But a great many of these cases were dismissed under a variety of justiciability or procedural rules based on the sweeping nature of the injunctive relief that was sought.
For example, in Reynolds v. State of Florida, the Florida Court of Appeal affirmed the dismissal of a lawsuit brought by eight young people alleging that state officials violated their fundamental rights to a stable climate system under Florida common law and the Florida Constitution. They sought declaratory relief and an injunction requiring the state to bring Florida’s energy system into compliance with the Constitution. The appellate court agreed with the lower court that the lawsuit raised nonjusticiable political questions.
Another example is Kanuk ex rel. Kanuk v. Alaska Department of Natural Resources, where the Alaska Supreme Court affirmed the dismissal of an action brought by six children under the Alaska Constitution and the public trust doctrine against the state of Alaska seeking to impose obligations on the state to address climate change.
Plaintiffs requested the court to (1) declare that the state’s obligation to protect the atmosphere be “dictated by best available science and that said science requires carbon dioxide emissions to peak in 2012 and be reduced by at least 6% each year until 2050”; (2) order the state to reduce emissions “by at least 6% per year from 2013 through at least 2050”; and (3) order the state “to prepare a full and accurate accounting of Alaska’s current carbon dioxide emissions and to do so annually thereafter.” The court concluded that these three claims are non-justiciable, largely because of “the impossibility of deciding [them] without an initial policy determination of a kind clearly for nonjudicial discretion.”
The Kanuk holding was recently reinforced in Sagoonick v. State of Alaska,
where OCT sought an order mandating that the state develop a “climate recovery plan” that is “consistent with global emissions reduction rates necessary to stabilize the climate system,” and that the court retain jurisdiction to see that the state complied. The Alaska Supreme Court declined, invoking the political question doctrine “because it requires a legislative policy judgment.” Acknowledging the challenge of persuading the legislature to adopt the desired plan, the court nonetheless concluded that “having a majority of elected legislators disagree with or lack the political will to enact or implement plaintiffs’ preferred policies does not justify an unconstitutional judicial remedy.”
On June 22, 2022, OCT filed suit in Navahine F. v. Hawaiʻi Department of Transportation, claiming that the state DOT’s operation of a fossil fuel-dependent transportation system violates their state constitutional rights to a clean and healthy environment and the public trust doctrine. Plaintiffs are seeking injunctive relief ordering the state to “take concrete action steps under prescribed deadlines to conform the state transportation system” with its trustee duties and the plaintiffs’ constitutional rights. They are also seeking declaratory relief that DOT’s operation of the state’s transportation system breaches its duties as trustee under the Hawaiʻi Constitution.
The Hawaiʻi Supreme Court has ruled that “The Hawaiʻi Constitution offers vast and versatile public trust protections.”
And it has recognized that climate change and GHG emissions pose serious threats to public trust resources.
But it has also said that these protections must be weighed against other needs of the Hawaiʻian people.
It is too soon to predict how this balance will be struck in the Navahine F. case.
3. Constitutional and Other Cases Outside United States
Courts in other countries have been more willing to issue broader injunctive relief against their governments. They have been much more open to rights-based claims under national constitutions and international law such as the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). In two of these cases, there were national laws directing specified reductions in GHG emissions, and the question before the court was whether these laws were sufficiently ambitious. In three other cases, the courts employed prods or nudges to encourage governments to take faster action, issued somewhat narrowed injunctive relief, or both. In these cases, and particularly the latter three, the injunctive relief sought was narrower in scope than that sought in Juliana and the OCT cases described above.
In the famous Urgenda case, the Dutch Supreme Court held in 2020 that the government has a duty of care to guard against the threats of climate disruption.
The Court found this duty is based in part on the Dutch Constitution and tort law but relied heavily on Articles 2 and 8 of the ECHR regarding the rights to life and family autonomy. The Court affirmed lower court orders directing the government to reduce emissions by 25% by 2020 compared to 1990 levels (as opposed to the 20% reduction to which it was already committed). This level of reduction, the Court said, is in line with recommendations from the IPCC as well as pledges the Netherlands had made pursuant to the Paris Agreement.
The Court rejected the government’s argument that unilateral reductions by the Netherlands would be inconsequential, finding that both Article 3(1) of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (stating the principle that parties should protect the climate system for the benefit of present and future generations) and the “no harm principle” of customary international law underpin the individual responsibility of nation states to take measures to address climate change. It held that “each country is responsible for its part and can therefore be called to account in that respect.”
In response, the Dutch government not only fully complied with the Court’s order, but instituted more aggressive economywide measures to drive further reductions. The relief granted in Urgenda is narrower than the injunctive relief sought in Juliana because the Urgenda relief required only an additional five percent reduction in GHG emissions, not a court-ordered plan to entirely phase out fossil fuel-based GHG emissions.
In another landmark decision, the German Constitutional Court, Germany’s highest court, ruled that some aspects of the country’s climate protection legislation are unconstitutional because they place too much of the burden for reducing GHG emissions on younger generations.
The Court reasoned that Germany’s 2019 Climate Change Act was incompatible with fundamental rights guaranteed under Article 2 of the Basic Law (Germany’s Constitution) because it failed to mandate sufficient provisions for emission cuts beyond 2030.
The Court stated: “The statutory provisions on adjusting the reduction pathway for GHG emissions from 2031 onwards are not sufficient to ensure that the necessary transition to climate neutrality is achieved in time.” The Court adopted the principle of a “carbon budget” and said the legislature must design a plan to limit warming to well below 2°C and, if possible, to 1.5°C. The Court further found that the legislature had not proportionally distributed the budget between current and future generations, writing “one generation must not be allowed to consume large parts of the CO2 budget under a comparatively mild reduction burden if this would at the same time leave future generations with a radical reduction burden . . . and expose their lives to serious losses of freedom.” Like the Urgenda decision, the Court obliged the government to strengthen in specific ways an emissions reduction law that was already in place.
Following this ruling, the German government adopted the necessary legal changes to speed up the country’s bid for climate neutrality, aiming to hit the goal five years earlier, in 2045. The cabinet approved measures stepping up the 2030 target for emission cuts to 65 percent (from 55 percent), tougher emission budgets in all sectors, and new annual reduction targets for the 2030s.
In the first decision addressing governmental duties related to climate change adaptation, and the first from the Global South, the Lahore High Court, known as the Green Bench, ruled in Ashgar Leghari v. Pakistan in 2015 that climate change is “a defining challenge of our time” and sounded “a clarion call for the protection of fundamental rights of the citizens of Pakistan.”
When the case was brought, the government had a climate action law or Framework, which included provisions for climate change adaptation. Judge Syed Mansoor Ali Shah determined that “the delay and lethargy of the State in implementing the Framework offend the fundamental rights of the citizens.” Invoking the right to life and the right to dignity protected by the Constitution of Pakistan and international principles, including intergenerational equity and the precautionary principle, Judge Ali Shah called for greater attention to climate justice.
For a remedy, Judge Ali Shah ordered the formation of a Climate Change Commission comprised of representatives of the key ministries, nongovernmental organizations, and technical experts to ensure implementation of the Framework. In a subsequent order, he listed each official appointed as a “focal person” on climate change and the members of the Climate Change Commission.
The Green Bench retained jurisdiction to monitor and receive reports from the Commission concerning its progress. An interesting and important feature of the Court’s orders is the use of prodding devices or nudges, such as creation of the Climate Change Commission and retention of jurisdiction. It did not second-guess the government’s policy choices.
Two other decisions deserve mention in the context of what kinds of claims and remedies courts in other countries with similar rules of separation of powers are willing to consider. In Future Generations v. Ministry of the Environment and Others, a group of 25 youth plaintiffs sued the Colombian government and several other entities, arguing that the government’s failure to prevent deforestation violates plaintiffs’ fundamental environmental rights. The Supreme Court of Colombia in 2018 recognized that the fundamental constitutional rights of life, health, subsistence, freedom, and human dignity were substantially linked to the environment and the Amazon Basin ecosystem. The Court ordered the government to formulate and implement action plans to address deforestation and illegal logging in the Amazon region. While this is no mean task, it does not involve the entirety of the government’s GHG reduction effort. Progress has been slow, but the Court has retained jurisdiction to prod the government.
On June 30, 2022, Brazil’s Supreme Court became the first in the world to recognize the Paris Agreement as a human rights treaty.
The judgment was the culmination of a lawsuit filed in 2020 against the Brazilian federal government by four political parties, including the Brazilian Socialist Party and Sustainability Network. The Court ruled: “Treaties on environmental law are a type of human rights treaty and, for that reason, enjoy supranational status.” The Court ordered the government to reactivate the climate fund (Fundo Clima) set up in 2009 as part of Brazil’s national climate policy plan to carry out projects and studies to reduce GHG emissions. The fund had been inoperative since 2019. The Court said the Executive Branch cannot invoke separation of powers to justify an omission in its duty to act on climate change and ordered the government to prepare and present annual plans for allocating resources and disburse funds to climate mitigation projects. Here again, the remedy is relatively narrow in scope.
III. Writ of Mandamus
A writ of mandamus is in many ways a specific form of injunctive relief, but it is discussed separately here because it has different origins (as an extraordinary writ or remedy) and is governed by different legal rules. Federal courts have authority to issue mandamus under the All-Writs Act.
Courts use a writ of mandamus “to compel a public officer to carry out a ministerial duty about which the office had no discretion.”
A petitioner seeking mandamus must first establish that the agency has violated “a crystal-clear legal duty” and that it “has no other adequate means to attain the relief it desires.”
“[E]even when a clear duty exists, [courts] consider whether judicial intervention would be appropriate because the writ of mandamus is a drastic remedy reserved for extraordinary circumstances.”
For purposes of mandamus relief, the public officer can be a government official or a lower court judge.
After the federal district court’s decision to proceed to trial in Juliana, but before the Ninth Circuit dismissed the case, the federal government twice petitioned for a writ of mandamus to the Ninth Circuit, asking the court to dismiss the case “or, in the alternative, to stay all discovery and trial.” Both times, the Ninth Circuit denied the writ.
The federal government in both cases claimed that it was trying to prevent burdensome discovery at the district court level into the ways in which it had fostered GHG emissions over decades. But in both cases, the Ninth Circuit said this issue was better addressed in the context of specific discovery requests over the regular course of litigation. Of particular importance in the second case was the fact that “the government has not challenged a single specific discovery request, and the district court has not issued a single order compelling discovery.”
An example of the unsuccessful use of mandamus at the state level is Funk v. Wolf, a 2016 Pennsylvania Commonwealth Court decision.
In that case, also an OCT case, the plaintiffs had initially filed a petition with the Pennsylvania Environmental Quality Board (EQB) seeking the adoption of a regulation limiting GHG emissions to prevent undue climate disruption, without including a specific regulation or even a specific regulatory approach. Based on the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Protection’s (DEP’s) representation that it was already responding to climate disruption, the EQB denied the petition and the plaintiffs failed to appeal, despite the fact that Pennsylvania DEP’s actions were largely tokens. Instead of appealing, the plaintiffs then brought a mandamus action in the Commonwealth Court against the state, the governor, Pennsylvania DEP, and other agencies seeking to compel broad but still, unspecified action to conduct a study and to adopt regulations limiting GHG emissions to prevent climate disruption. The court dismissed the case because no statute or regulation mandated such relief.